Poverty and unemployment
According to the International Monetary Fund, Kosovo is the poorest country in Europe: in 2021, its gross domestic product per capita was less than $12,000, compared to $52,600 in France and an average of $41,000 in the European Union. All of its neighbors are also at the bottom of the table, with GDP per capita of $15,000 for Albania, $17,700 for northern Macedonia, $20,500 for Serbia and $21,300 for Montenegro. Kosovo's poverty is not recent, as it was already the least developed province within Yugoslavia. Kosovo also has the highest unemployment rate in Europe: 27% of the active population in 2021. It is certainly decreasing (50% in 2006, 30% in 2016), but the average net salary is stagnant at 460 € and 30% of the population lives below the poverty line. The country also has a large trade deficit: 570 million euros in exports against 3.7 billion euros in imports in 2020. However, it has certain advantages: low government debt, a good banking system, a high growth rate (more than 3% per year) and abundant mining resources. But since its split from Serbia in 1999, the young country has still not managed to attract foreign investment, develop its industry and trade, regain its pre-war level of mining production, or establish a balanced tax system. This situation of structural poverty, compounded by serious inequalities within the country, continues to lead to an exodus of the population and a total dependence on international aid.
Foreign interference
If the American flag flies almost everywhere in Kosovo, it is because it was the United States that first supported the creation of the country, back in 1998. Washington's influence is therefore immense among the Albanian majority. It is thanks to U.S. pressure that Kosovo has been recognized by most of its allies in the world. The latest example is Israel, in 2020. But this normalization of relations with the Hebrew state has resulted in American blackmail: the obligation for Kosovo to open its embassy not in Tel Aviv (the recognized capital), but in Jerusalem. Kosovo is thus one of the four nations to have its embassy in the Holy City. Other interferences: those of the European Union and the UN. Although they do not recognize Kosovo's independence, they have several agencies on the ground, in particular the European mission Eulex in charge of justice. The country's security is largely dependent on the nato military force, KFOR. Serbia and Albania, its two neighbors, also exert influence. The former, which still considers Kosovo to be its territory, actively supports Slavic minorities, especially in Serbian enclaves. The latter, on the other hand, is pushing for the integration of Kosovo into a larger Albanian state. Various Muslim countries, for their part, have provided assistance, for example by financing mosques, thereby encouraging the rise of Islamic fundamentalism. Under pressure from the United States, the missions led by Iran were all closed in 2017. Turkey, for its part, not only supports the Turkish minority, but also has important connections in the Kosovar political class. This is evidenced by the illegal extradition of around 100 Turkish nationals in 2018-2019 at the request of Ankara. As in the rest of the Balkans, China is also advancing its pawns. As Kosovo's leading economic partner, it does not recognize the country's independence. However, it got Pristina to take its side by not recognizing Taiwan, which Beijing claims. Finally, there is the influence of the 300 or so foreign charities established in Kosovo. Some of these have, under the guise of humanitarian aid, encouraged a whole section of the Albanian population to convert to Catholicism and Protestantism.
Corruption and justice
In 2020, according to the barometer of the organization Transparency International, Kosovo was ranked 104th out of 180 countries on corruption. With a score of 36 out of 100, it is among the bottom nations in Europe, on par with Albania and shortly before Bosnia and Herzegovina and Northern Macedonia. This result is not surprising, as since 2000, Kosovo has been ruled by the "commando" caste, an Albanian political class that emerged from violent, mafia-like organizations that participated in the 1998-1999 war. This widespread corruption took many forms: abuse of power, rigged public contracts, clientelism, nepotism, etc. These practices, known if not tolerated by public opinion, appear to be secondary issues in the fight against poverty and unemployment. Yet it is precisely corruption that causes the detour of a large part of international development aid. What is surprising, however, is the impunity enjoyed by the "commanders. While the local justice system has been powerless, the international community has turned a blind eye. Several of the country's mayors, deputies, ministers, prime ministers and presidents suspected of corruption were also suspected of crimes committed during the Kosovo war. But almost none of them were found guilty of either corruption or war crimes. Former judges point the finger at the European Union's Eulex mission, which is responsible for overseeing the Kosovar judicial system. The mission has been instructed to spare the country's leaders. In the eyes of the international community, it was necessary to avoid weakening the authorities of the young state at all costs
Social inequalities
According to the UN, 1% of the population owns 22% of Kosovo's wealth, while 30% of the inhabitants live below the poverty line, with less than €1 per day to live on. Inequalities are first and foremost "ethnic," since the country is dominated politically and economically by an Albanian elite, the "commanders," who led the war in 1998-1999. On the other hand, minorities (Serbs, Turks, etc.) are more affected by unemployment than Albanians. National statistics do not take this into account. But the European Union estimates, for example, that unemployment affects 90% of the active population among the Roma, compared to about 25% among the Albanians. Unemployment is also highest among those under 24 years of age (49 per cent), and almost all of the disabled population (about 250,000 people) is unemployed. Kosovar society is also characterized by a patriarchal organization, where women are subordinate to men. This is true in all the country's "ethnic" communities. For example, only 17% of private property is owned by women. And the vast majority of Kosovars do not have the opportunity to seek employment, as they are obliged to take care of their children (there are almost no public nurseries). However, 34% of those who can work are unemployed. In fact, less than 13% of women have a job, half of them in the public sector. However, attitudes seem to be changing at last, as evidenced by the record election of 43 women among the 120 members of parliament in the 2021 legislative elections, and the election of a new president, Vjosa Osmani.
Relations with Serbia
They have been the main issue in the country since 1999. And for good reason, Kosovo remains a province of Serbia under international law. Since Serbia refuses to recognize Kosovo's independence (self-proclaimed in 2008), this has led to a whole series of blockages for the young nation. Serbia's traditional allies (Russia, Greece...), certain countries with territorial stakes (China, India, Spain...) and other nations referring to international law (Brazil, South Africa...) took sides with Belgrade. So much so that in 2021, only 97 UN member states out of 193 (50.26%) considered Kosovo to be a sovereign country. Of course, this number could increase in the years to come. But as long as certain nations continue to exercise their veto power, organizations such as the UN and the European Union cannot recognize Kosovo's sovereignty. This legal uncertainty is a hindrance to foreign investment. It also causes great tension with Serbia, which is fuelled by the aftermath of the 1998-1999 war, Serbian and Albanian nationalism and minority demands. But above all, relations with Serbia have been instrumentalized in Kosovo by the Albanian elite of the "commanders" in order to make people forget the real problems of the country. This policy of hatred has resulted in serious violence against certain minorities, particularly during the anti-Serbian riots of 2004. However, since 2012, a dialogue has been established between Serbia and Kosovo in the context of negotiations for EU membership for both countries. But the real change took place in February-March 2021, when the "commander" caste was ousted from power and replaced by a new generation of leaders. The new leaders, supported by the Albanian diaspora, promised to tackle poverty, unemployment, corruption and inequality as a matter of priority, leaving the Serbian question in the background.
Covid-19
The pandemic has hit the Balkans and Kosovo in particular hard. Between March 2020 and September 2021, the country recorded 160,000 infections and 3,000 deaths. The health crisis also caused a slowdown in the economy, a rise in unemployment, a political crisis (2020), the weakening of the press and the freezing of reforms carried out by the new majority elected in February 2021. In addition, it has highlighted many shortcomings. The health care system has been overwhelmed: not only does Kosovo have only three ventilator beds, but there is a shortage of health care personnel due to the exodus of a large number of doctors and nurses in recent decades. There is also a lack of cooperation between the state and the Serbian enclaves. The vaccination of the Serbian minority has been taken over by Serbia. The weight of foreign interference must be emphasized in this regard, since it was Italian members of a charitable association in Klina who first spread Covid-19 in Kosovo. The country has also shown itself to be totally dependent on international aid for the delivery of vaccines and tests.
