Discover French Guiana : Current issues

With its unique status in many respects - the only non-island French department, located in South America, a European space station, almost entirely covered in forest and with gold-rich soils - French Guiana is subject to many challenging political, economic, social and ecological issues. The social crisis that shook the department in the spring of 2017 brought into sharper focus than ever the various, often long-standing, issues affecting the department. A political administration not always fully aware of the realities of the inhabitants, a profound imbalance between metropolitan and overseas France, numerous economic resources, but not necessarily exploited in the most optimal or fairest way, and the issue of gold, which has been resurfacing for some time, with its cohort of problems that include illegal gold panning, violence and pollution of the fragile Amazon ecosystems.

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political state of play

French Guiana is both an administrative region and a French overseas department (DROM), with Cayenne as its prefecture. Along with Guadeloupe and Martinique, it is one of the three French departments of America (DFA). Since 2015, French Guiana has been divided into 8 cantons (compared with 19 before) represented by 51 territorial councillors sitting on the Collectivité Territoriale de Guyane (CTG), a new institution resulting from the merger of the two former entities that were the Conseil Général and the Conseil Régional. At national level, two deputies and two senators represent the department. Since July 2, 2021, Gabriel Serville has been President of the French Guiana Assembly, succeeding Rodolphe Alexandre. The former succeeded in uniting the left to defeat the latter with a clear majority.

Political parties. Traditionally, Guyana's local authorities have been predominantly left-wing. The Guianese left is made up of a variety of more or less active parties. Mainly loyalist, its majority component is the Parti Socialiste Guyanais (PSG), an independent party which, unlike the French Guiana Federation of the Socialist Party, is not affiliated to the metropolitan PS. The Walwari, linked to the Parti Radical de Gauche, was created by Christiane Taubira, former Minister of Justice. The Forces Démocratiques de Guyane (FDG) party, AGEG (À Gauche en Guyane) and the Greens completed this plural left. In 2018, Gabriel Serville launched his own Péyi Guyane party, unashamedly inspired by Emmanuel Macron's Mouvement en Marche. It nevertheless remains a militantly left-wing party.

The Guyanese right-wing is made up of the local branch of the Republicans and various small centrist forces. The only leader of the Guyanese right, Léon Bertrand, who held a ministerial post in the governments of Mr. Villepin and Mr. Raffarin, was indicted in 2009 and 2010 on charges of favoritism and passive corruption. He was finally incarcerated in Rémire-Montjoly prison in September 2018 and sentenced to three years in prison. Finally, the third political trend is the far-left pro-independence movement, represented by the MDES (Mouvement de Décolonisation et d'Emancipation Sociale).

A single territorial authority. In the space of fifteen years, French Guiana has gone from political and institutional effervescence to paralysis. As far back as 2008, it was affected, like other overseas territories, by road blockades protesting the high cost of living. This situation is a direct result of the region's peripheral location, but independence aspirations seem to have been put to rest in 2010, when voters rejected extended autonomy by almost 70%. The introduction of a single territorial authority, which provided for the merger of the département and region by December 2015, was to provide an opportunity to optimize the way the territory is managed. French Guiana now has an assembly, from which a permanent commission has emerged, and an economic, social and environmental council. For the most part, the common law provisions applicable to Regional Councils govern the operation of these institutions. The main challenges of recent years were defined in 1998 in the "Development Pact for French Guiana". This guiding document focuses on economic and social development, with the aim of moving from an exogenous transfer economy driven by public procurement to an endogenous, wealth-creating economy capable of ensuring the well-being of its inhabitants united in a community of destiny.

Complex relationships with the Metropolis

Local specificities to be taken into account. On the question of economic and social choices, for some, the most important thing would be to change the existing relationship between French Guiana and the "colonial metropolis". But the question is a complex one, particularly at the legal level: what is to be done tomorrow with this "labor law from elsewhere", the application of which is now being demanded by trade unions? Should labor law be adapted to Guyanese realities? Should it be lighter than French law? The link with metropolitan France affects local economic development everywhere: European borders and their corollary social advantages isolate French Guiana from the rest of the American continent, and disrupt the conditions for the emergence of economic activities. While some called for an egalitarian policy, others stressed the need to adapt French policy to a South American territory. However, hope for a new day was felt during the 2007 presidential elections. Guyanese voters turned out in large numbers for Nicolas Sarkozy, with a score almost identical to the national result. Trends remained to the right for the 2010 regional elections. French Guiana was expecting real results on security and immigration, the main themes of the campaign.

Strike against the high cost of living. In November 2008, a strike mobilized the territory for more than two weeks, as Guyanese demanded a 50-centime-per-liter reduction in fuel prices. Roadblocks blocked the roads, preventing the movement of people and goods. The reduction was finally negotiated for a temporary period, and the blockade ceased. A few weeks later, however, the movement "against the high cost of living" spread to Guadeloupe and Martinique, and hardened. Negotiations with the government resumed, this time lasting 44 days. This crisis situation prompted the government to set up the "Etats généraux d'outre-mer", to re-establish dialogue and listening, for better mutual understanding. During the 2012 presidential elections, French Guiana, more than the rest of France, expressed its dissatisfaction with promises whose effects it was still waiting to see. It gave François Hollande a large lead in the first round, with over 42% of the vote, and chose him with 62% in the second round. The following month's legislative elections confirmed this left-wing positioning.

A new social movement, this time unprecedented, kicks off on March 20, 2017 in Kourou and spreads across the country. A month-long general strike: Guyanese protest against the lack of security, weak health services and infrastructure, gold mining and uncontrolled immigration. Schools, shops, airports and the main living areas in French Guiana were closed, and rockets did not take off. On March 28, a major riot involving almost 11,000 people broke out in the streets of Cayenne and Saint-Laurent-du-Maroni. The next day, the French Minister of the Interior and the Minister for Overseas France visited French Guiana and attempted the first negotiations. On April 21, the Guiana Agreement was signed by the Cazeneuve government, which was to release over a billion euros to finance the projects. Six months later, in October 2017, President Macron's visit was greeted by a rally in Cayenne calling for the agreements to be respected. A year after the start of the movement, in the spring of 2018, it appeared, according to Annick Girardin, then Minister for Overseas France, that almost 80% of the emergency measures evoked by the Guiana agreement had been put in place. However, tensions never really settled down to zero, with the resumption of numerous protests during the Covid-19 crisis, particularly in view of the ever-increasing shortage of healthcare workers in French Guiana.

Despite this,the sharp inequalities between French Guiana and mainland France remain one of Guyana's most sensitive issues. Almost half of the Guyanese population is under the age of 25, and young people face a greater risk of insecurity than in mainland France. Only 12% of 15-24 year-olds have a baccalauréat, 40% are unemployed (twice as many as in mainland France) and over 25% of young people have reading difficulties (compared with 4% in mainland France). Per capita GDP in French Guiana is half that of mainland France, and poverty is exacerbated by a cost of living that is 12% higher than in mainland France. Greater insecurity has also led to the emergence of the "500 Frères" collective, highlighting the problems of violence in French Guiana. Indeed, French Guiana is the deadliest department in France. Added to this are problems linked to illegal gold panning and uncontrolled immigration, which are specific to French Guiana, which, it should be remembered, is the only French overseas territory not to be an island. Finally, the third problematic element is linked to the healthcare system. The mortality rate in French Guiana is said to be lower than in mainland France, and the infant mortality rate much higher. Access to day-to-day healthcare is also much more complex, with twice as many general practitioners in mainland France as in French Guiana, and four times as many specialists. This proved all the more problematic during the Covid-19 pandemic, even though French Guyana was not immediately affected. However, sharing a common border with Brazil, the second country most affected by this disease, the worsening health situation in French Guiana did indeed come from its neighbor from May 2020 onwards, and again in March 2021, despite the closure of its borders decided by the national authorities. This led to a questioning of the competence of government services, both by part of the population and the political class, as well as a certain stigmatization of the population of Brazilian origin. The difficulty of gaining acceptance for vaccination in this territory also highlighted the contradictions running through Guyanese society in the face of this pandemic, between denunciation of inadequate protection or, on the contrary, a view of it as colonial, and a desire for liberalization in the name of Guyanese culture and identity. Several years after the pandemic, these tensions are still with us today, as access to care and, above all, to healthcare specialists has not improved.

Guyana's traditional economic sectors

First of all,logging : the Guyanese forest covers some 8 million hectares. The French Amazon is much more fragile than it appears, due to the poverty of the lateritic soil, which would remain virtually virgin if the forest were unable to renew the humus from which it lives. As a result, since 1965, the ONF has been trying to rationalize logging in French Guiana, both to make the activity more profitable and to protect the estate. Today, the forestry economy is mainly based on logging, primary processing (rough sawn timber) and secondary processing (cabinetmaking, joinery, etc.), and represents the department's third-largest economic sector. Several forestry measures were included in the Guiana Agreement signed after the 2017 crisis. These include the introduction of aid to offset the additional costs of the timber industry in French Guiana, national aid to support investment in the forestry sector, and the obligation to use wood in public buildings.

Fishing. Given French Guiana's considerable fishing, marine and river resources, fishing is a productive sector that generates a large proportion of Guiana's exports (it is the leading non-space export sector). The activity is significant for the local economy, employing nearly 500 sailors and generating over 1,500 indirect jobs. The sector is currently experiencing difficulties due in part to its lack of organization and aging fleet, which means that working conditions for fishermen are very precarious.

Agriculture was originally a subsistence activity practiced by the Amerindians. The French colonists made several attempts to establish a varied and profitable agriculture, but the particularities of the soil and the country's susceptibility to parasites often dashed these ambitions. If you want to understand the structure of Guiana's agricultural society, the best place to look is undoubtedly Cayenne's fruit and vegetable market. With a few exceptions, the majority of stalls are manned by Hmong, Surinamese and a few locals. Today, the Hmong communities of Cacao and Javouhey are the leading suppliers of fruit and vegetables to Guyana's markets.

Rice-growing, for its part, is a highly localized activity around the village of Mana, where the natural conditions of this alluvial plain were highly favorable. Surinamese nationals initially launched large-scale production in the early 1980s. Supported by the public authorities and rationalized, production proved highly profitable and of excellent quality.

Mining. Since the discovery of gold in French Guiana in 1854, mining has been a major economic resource for the department. Today, gold is French Guiana's leading export, accounting for 45 million euros. This sharp rise in production can be attributed to a variety of factors: a considerable increase in the world price of the metal in recent years, developments in the recovery techniques used, professionalization and the arrival of new operators... The panorama of gold mining today is as follows: a few medium-sized companies, well structured into a multitude of micro-businesses, often clandestine and illegal, and world-class mining companies. There are officially some sixty companies. In recent years, French Guiana has been the scene of a major debate concerning the construction of one of the largest gold mines ever built on French territory: the Montagne d'Or. However, the environmental impact of this mega-project was decried by President Macron in May 2019, making its completion uncertain. In February 2022, the French Constitutional Council also rejected the extension of the mining concession, bringing the project to a screeching halt.

Space activity, administration and tourism in French Guiana

Space activities. The decision to build the Guiana Space Center in Kourou in 1964 did not give rise to much optimism or concern. French Guiana greeted the Space Center with genuine indifference. It was probably at this point that the rendezvous between the center's authorities and the population was missed. Initially, the creation of the CSG was accompanied by an economic development plan for the entire region. The major works generated by this facility obviously benefited local companies, particularly those in the construction sector. Although numerous efforts have been made to rebalance the benefits of Guiana's space activity - priority hiring for Guyanese for certain jobs, participation in cultural events, a substantial budget envelope, support for training - the population's resentment towards the space center remains unchanged. It will take some time for this to change. Even though the space center has considerably developed its communications policy, we still regret that some people only know French Guiana for the Ariane rocket. Is this really its fault? It has to be said that Ariane's successes help to promote French Guiana. But should Guiana's economic activity depend on a single industry? From an economic point of view, while the space sector represented 30% of GDP in the 1990s, it now accounts for just 15%.

Administration. While French Guiana suffers from a real shortage of craftsmen and private entrepreneurs, it also has a very large number of civil servants and employees attached to public companies. There's even a popular saying that there are more civil servants in Cayenne than in Paris! The reasons for this situation are both historical and political. Firstly, we know that, traditionally, the French overseas departments hold more government posts than circumstances would require. This practice, which was politically deliberate, was intended to limit unemployment, thus calming the social climate and, as a result, stifling pro-independence aspirations to some extent. In French Guiana, however, historical origins are at least as important as political will. Here, manual labor has long been regarded with disdain, as it was associated in people's minds with the forced labor of the convicts. But this shortage of craftsmen, while detrimental to the day-to-day running of French Guiana, is not the most serious consequence of the excessive importance of administration. The main problem lies in the lack of entrepreneurial spirit. Young people see setting up a business as a risky venture (heavy investments, lack of experience...), which discourages them or makes them afraid of failure. French Guiana wants to break out of its isolation and is looking to develop trade relations with its Brazilian neighbor. The challenge is to diversify an economy dominated by space and public transfers.

Tourism. While there is a political will to make the tourism sector one of the driving forces of the Guyanese economy, the efforts required to achieve this are colossal, but the professionals are committed and willing. Lack of knowledge of the department (geopolitical context, population, wealth, etc.) due to a number of factors, and an expensive air transport network that serves few destinations, are all factors that have contributed to the unsatisfactory number of tourists visiting French Guiana. With the exception of a large business clientele (50%), 38% of visitors are visiting family or friends. However, local travel agencies are receiving an increasing number of requests from people wishing to visit French Guiana, but who have no local acquaintances. Nature tourism. The department boasts an incomparable wealth of flora and fauna - the planet's green lung - making it a major destination for green tourism. The French Amazon territory still has some way to go to welcome the growing number of tourists.

The gold issue

Today'sgold business is divided between alluvial deposit mining and exploration. Almost all the gold comes from alluvial mining using gravimetric techniques. A dozen small and medium-sized structured companies account for over 80% of the department's production. The main mining centers are divided into seven geographical sectors: montagnes françaises and montagne de l'Espérance, Paul-Isnard, Saint-Elie, Boulanger-Changement, Approuague, Yaou-Dorlin and Alikéné. The sector officially employed 500 people in 2012, according to the Fédération des orpailleurs miniers de Guyane (FEDOMG), in a department of almost 300,000 inhabitants today, where unemployment affects around 17% of the population. Research activities are carried out by mining companies, with the aim of characterizing deposits that will enable them to continue mining over the long term. Many international companies have embarked on major primary gold exploration programs. One example is the Montagne d'Or mining company - led by the Russian-Canadian consortium Nordgold-Columbus Gold - which chose French Guiana in 2016 to establish the largest gold project ever proposed in France.

Illegal gold panning. One of French Guiana's biggest problems, in terms of economic, tourism and ecological development, is illegal gold panning. Since the 2000s, this department, one of the world's richest in terms of biodiversity, has been hard hit by a new gold rush characterized by uncontrolled practices. Today, the quantity of gold officially extracted from French Guiana fluctuates between 1 and 1.5 tonnes per year, out of the 2,500 tonnes produced worldwide. This places French Guiana around 55th in the world in terms of official production. However, these figures mask the fact that illegal extraction is in the majority in French Guiana, with estimates of around 10 tonnes per year - almost 10 times legal production! This is despite the fact that the forces of law and order, carrying out operations to destroy illegal gold panning sites, only manage to seize a few kilos each year... Almost all of the illegal production therefore ends up entering the official processing and distribution channels, thanks to the general lack of traceability in the gold industry, particularly in neighbouring countries. Illegal mining is carried out almost exclusively by gold miners from Brazil's northern states, known as garimpeiros. It is estimated that between 10,000 and 15,000 garimpeiros work in the interior of French Guiana every day. The particularly poor populations who supply the workforce for illegal gold panning in French Guiana are often the first to lose out, suffering exploitation, indebtedness and dangerous working conditions. The dangers and risks of illegal gold mining for the environment and people's health cannot be ignored. Mercury, used to agglomerate gold, is the main cause of river pollution. Not to mention the outbreak of malaria due to the large illegal population in the forest. Unfortunately, the populations most affected are also the most vulnerable: the Wayana, Teko and Wayampi Amerindians, who live in the Haut Maroni region and the commune of Camopi.

Since February 2008, following a declaration by Nicolas Sarkozy, the gendarmerie and armed forces in French Guiana have been working steadily towards the common goal of reducing illegal gold panning: Operation Harpie. The Harpie 2012 report reveals that garimpeiros are becoming increasingly violent in the face of operations carried out to counter their illegal activities in French Guiana. It also notes declining seizures of gold and mercury. The 2014 report shows a drop in the number of illegal work sites, with the fall in the price of gold and the multiplication of raids playing a role. In 2017, however, due to social unrest in French Guiana and the redeployment of military forces to oversee strikes, illegal gold panning sites are once again on the increase... And unfortunately, the gold rush is still more topical, accentuated by soaring prices, against the backdrop of the war in Ukraine.

Gold Mountain. Another face of Guyana's gold problem: the Montagne d'Or. The Montagne d'Or mining company, a joint venture between Russia's Nordgold and Canada's Columbus Gold, is planning a gigantic industrial open-pit mine, scheduled to come on stream in 2022. Still a long way from becoming a reality, despite Emmanuel Macron's unqualified support at the time in 2018, the mining project is being fiercely contested by environmental associations, scientists and indigenous populations living in the vicinity of Saint-Laurent-du-Maroni. In addition to the promise of an economic upturn, some are talking about a veritable ecological catastrophe. Nestled between two strict biological reserves, in the heart of the Amazon rainforest near the border with Suriname, the mine could require the deforestation of the equivalent of 32 times the size of the Stade de France. The use of 10 tonnes of cyanide and 18 tonnes of explosives per day, highly toxic and polluting products that also increase the risk of accidents, is also decried. In January 2019, Guyanese MP Gabriel Serville, followed by some sixty other MPs, called for a total ban on the use of cyanide in French mines. A paving stone in the pond re-launching the debate on Gold Mountain. That same month, the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination also took part in the debate, urging France to listen to the complaints and demands of indigenous populations. 70% of Guyanese were opposed to the project, despite the promised economic benefits. Then, on May 6, 2019, it all came to a head: just as President Macron was announcing a series of measures to protect the environment, with the aim of greening his party's image in the run-up to the European elections, he announced that the Montagne d'Or project was not compatible with his ecological ambitions, thus seriously compromising its realization. In February 2022, the Conseil constitutionnel finally rejected the extension of the mining concession following a referral from the Conseil d'Etat, and this decision could well put a definitive stop to the Montagne d'or mining project. And it was 2 years later, on February 6, 2024, that the case really came to an end, when the administrative court of appeal of the Bordeaux tribunal put the finishing touches to the extension of the Elysée and Montagne d'or mining concessions.

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