History History

In 1513, the Spaniard Vasco Núñez de Balboa discovered the South Sea (future Pacific Ocean). Spirits immediately began to form the craziest hypotheses about the famous Moluccan Islands, further west (today in Indonesia), where spices were abundant. On September 20, 1519, Magellan, a Portuguese navigator who had served Spain, left Sanlúcar, Andalusia, accompanied by five ships. He hoped to discover a western passage to the Indies. One month later, on October 21, the fleet entered a sort of pass that would be called the Strait of Magellan. For the first time, a route was mapped out to link the Atlantic Ocean to the Pacific Ocean.

Born in Porto in 1480, this navigator is famous for having undertaken a one-way voyage to the New World. Shortly after the discovery of the South Sea, he approached the Lusitanian Crown, until then mistress of maritime trade with India, to finance an expedition. This was refused and Magellan therefore relied on Charles V: Spain would finance the expedition. After discovering the Strait, Magellan continued his voyage until he reached the Moluccan Islands, where he would leave his life behind, and the only ship to survive, Victoria, returned to port three years after setting sail: it was the first circumnavigation of the world in the history of mankind.

After the foundation of Buenos Aires in 1536 by Pedro de Mendoza and the foundation of Santiago by Pedro de Valdivia in 1541, the Spanish advance continued and moved ever further south.

Francis Drake, privateer of the Crown of England, was the first to round Cape Horn, located at the southern end of the continent, in the Tierra del Fuego archipelago. Elizabeth I of England, who discovered a new route to the Pacific, kept the secret to thwart Spanish claims to trade in the Americas. At the same time, the Spanish Crown decided to block access to the Strait in order to protect its colonies from plundering by pirates and attempts by other European countries to disembark.

Starting in the 17th century, many scientists undertook exploration trips to learn more about the region, attracted by the possible natural and ethnological discoveries that could be made there. Louis-Antoine de Bougainville (1768-1771), Jules Dumont d'Urville (1837-1840), Darwin with Fitz Roy's expedition (1832-1834) were from then on keen to describe physical or botanical phenomena.

On 25 May, Buenos Aires declared its independence, followed by Chile on 18 September of the same year. However, this was only the beginning of their emancipation process, which would take a few more years.

After the foundation of Buenos Aires in 1536 by Pedro de Mendoza and Juan de Garay, the Spanish conquest continued with the importation of cows and horses into the region of the Rio de La Plata. The abundance of cattle became the real financial manna of the vice-regime of the Rio de La Plata. At the same time, the horse was adopted by the indigenous people, who hunted the cattle to provide for their needs or to trade with other tribes. The white settlers began to push back the borders of the newly independent country, while the natives were busy plundering the estancias. Chile also boasted a policy of territorial expansion that worried the Argentine government (annexation of Easter Island, the Pacific War and the annexation of Bolivian and Peruvian territories in the Far North): it was necessary at all costs to ensure national sovereignty over these lands, and thus, necessarily, to dislodge the indigenous people, for whom these political and economic considerations did not make much sense.

First conflicts between Argentinean and Chilean territories: Chile decides to establish a colony at Fuerte Bulnes, in the Magellanic south; the Argentinean Confederation sees there an "attack on the integrity of Argentine territory and its sovereignty rights nationale " (in the words of the Argentinean minister Felipe Arana). At that time, Argentina was in the midst of an internal war and was unable to structure the country, while Chile had consolidated its unity and was undertaking a policy of territorial colonization, both in the north and the south.

Relations between Argentina and Chile, since the independence of the two countries, have been characterized by strong tensions over border issues. The debates were particularly violent from 1870 to 1910, and mainly concerned the Andean Cordillera and some South Pacific archipelagos. Chile's seizure of the Magallanes region was a clear expression of its desire to take possession of this strategically important region, coveted by several European powers. After suffering from epidemics, the climate and the bad geographical situation, these first inhabitants left Fuerte Bulnes, the first place where they had settled, and founded a new village in Punta Arenosa, in 1848. Thus Punta Arenas was created. Under pressure from Argentina, in 1855, a treaty was signed between the two countries which stipulated that the borders were those of 1810, when the ties with Spain were broken. It was decided that any conflict had to be resolved peacefully, and that in the event of serious differences a third party arbitration would be sought.

In Chile, the military campaign "Ocupación de la Araucania" was launched, aimed at subjugating the Mapuche people. The resistance of this warlike and reckless indigenous people will collapse in part with the occupation and subjugation of their lands. In 1867, 5,000 Mapuche crossed the Nahuelbuta mountain range and won their victories over the cities of Traiguen, Curaco and Perasco. The following year, they were defeated at Chihuaihue. The most notable battle remains the great battle of Temuco, in 1881, where after many losses the indomitable Mapuche finally decide to submit. On the Argentine side, they were repulsed during the bloody attacks of the Conquest of the Desert. They were then confined to tiny territories (5% of their original territory).

In Chile, Bartolomé Mitre became the first president of the nation. From the outset, he decided to tackle the "indigenous problem" and tried to "pacify" the border, without much success. At that decisive time, the "Land intérieure ", Tierra Adentro, the name given by the whites to the indigenous territory of the pampas and northern Patagonia, was populated by Mapuche, Pehuenche, Ranquele, Vorogano and Tehuelche organized in communities. The Chocorí cacique at the head of the Mapuche dominated a vast territory known as the "Land of Apples", which extended from Bahía Blanca to the confluence of the Neuquén and Limay rivers. When he died in 1834, his son Sayhueque pledged to continue the struggle.

The final rout, which heralded the end for all the indigenous Patagonian people, took place in San Carlos in 1872. Colonel Francisco de Elías, who had signed a treaty with a commitment to preserve peace, betrayed him, and Calfucurá, the great Indian chief, became furious and gathered the largest indigenous army before attacking various Argentine towns in March 1872: Alvear, 25 de Mayo and 9 de Julio; he seized more than 200 000  têtes of cattle and 500  prisonniers, after killing 300 inhabitants. Three days later he was beaten in San Carlos and took refuge near Salinas Grandes, until his death on June 4, 1873.

Adolfo Alsina, Argentina's Minister of War, proposed a "peaceful" plan of attack. A treaty, then signed in 1875 with several tribes, stipulated that the populations had to leave for the west and hand over their land in exchange for food and clothing. Not everyone agreed, especially since this promise seemed to be in vain: so Namuncurá, son of Calfucurá and a major new cacique, decided to organize the Great Offensive to defend his territories. His army destroyed several cities in the center of the province of Buenos Aires. Thousands of inhabitants were killed or taken prisoner, while hundreds of thousands of head of cattle were kidnapped. The situation on both sides became intolerable.

Rosas, whose name is historically both revered and hated in Argentina, was a great landowner. Close to the indigenous people, he maintained intimate relationships with many communities. In fact, he allied himself with tribes and signed treaties that allowed him to fight against enemy tribes). With the support of the caciques Coyhuepan and Cachul, he defended himself against the Lavalle and Dorrego insurrection in 1828: this victory gave him tremendous prestige in Buenos Aires, and led him to lead the province some time later. He was the first to decide to colonise the "virgin lands" and at the same time to group the indigenous communities in the estancias for agricultural work, but he was unable to secure peace at the country's borders.

The Pacific War breaks out between Chile, Peru and Bolivia. Chile sees it as an opportunity to expand its territory to the north. However, there is great fear that Argentina will join the conflict and invade the country from the south. Therefore, the Chilean government made a point of maintaining Argentine neutrality, even if it meant sacrificing some of its territorial claims if necessary. Argentina will not enter the conflict in the face of a better organised and more efficient Chilean Navy. The Argentine policy, until then directed towards the Atlantic zone and Europe, gave impetus to a new foreign policy directed towards the Pacific zone. The war raging between the three countries provided an opportunity for Argentina to forge alliances with other Latin American countries to seek mediation on these territorial issues. The situation was becoming particularly tense, with each side holding to its own position and pursuing a rather expansionist policy.

It is in this tense context, to say the least, that the famous "Conquest of the Desert" of General Julio Argentino Roca, Minister of War, will soon take place. Between 1879 and 1884, he launched a campaign aimed at the total domination of indigenous culture. Everything took place between April and May 1879. Nearly 6,000 soldiers, supported by 820 indigenous "friends", 7,000 horses, 1,290  mules and 270 oxen, gathered in five divisions, attacked the last resistance fighters, "in a crusade inspired by the purest patriotism, against the barbarie ". This offensive put an end to the struggles that had been going on for almost fifty years for the control of the pampas and Northern and Southern Patagonia. Roca became President in 1880, strengthened by the prestige he had acquired over the "savagery", and the new Minister of War, Benjamin Victoria, continued the offensive and punitive expeditions in the current territory of Neuquén.

After a few moments of calm, new discussions began on the division of the Cordillera and the demarcation of the border between Chile and Argentina. It had been decided that the border would pass through the highest peaks that divided the waters, but south of the 40th parallel, the configuration of the Cordillera was so peculiar that the high peaks did not always correspond to this division. Once again, the situation between the two countries worsened, and each made an effort to form alliances with other countries. But Chile feared the discourse of Peru and Bolivia, with which it was at war, and then came the Argentine proposal for a Pan-American conference (prepared jointly with Brazil in 1889) to establish, whenever national sovereignty permitted, a kind of international tribunal. All countries voted in favour of this proposal, much to Chile's chagrin.

At the end of 1882 the caciques Sayhueque, Inacayal and Namuncurá were still running. But in 1884, Namuncurá, exhausted after years and years of struggle, surrendered with 330 of his men. Sayhueque and Inacayal, gathered in an extraordinary Parliament, attempted a last defense. Sayhueque surrendered on January¹, 1885 with nearly 3,000 men. The last survivors fought a final battle on October 18, 1885; Inacayal and Foyel, the last two caciques, took 3,000 natives with them to battle. They were taken prisoner and surrendered two months later at the fort of Junín de los Andes. All of them were taken to the Museum of La Plata to live.

First settled in 1881, the border issue has since then continued to poison relations between Chile and Argentina. Thus, for want of anything better, some people spoke of relying on the arbitration of the crown of the United Kingdom: King Edward VII of England, who had just succeeded his mother Queen Victoria. On November 20, 1902, London finally rendered its arbitration on The Cordillera of the Andes Boundary Case: it was judged that Argentina would gain some 40,000 km² in the disputed area, and Chile 55,000 km².

Oil has been discovered in Comodoro Rivadavia, railways are reaching previously unknown lands, workers are being sent to "shape" the national manufacturing landscape. In January, 800 workers go on strike to demand higher wages and better working conditions (they were working 12 heures per day in sub-zero temperatures): military repression leaves four people dead and thirty injured. The army invaded the most agitated sectors and took charge of cleaning up the square: it is estimated that between 800 and 1,500 people were killed during these crazy days, and around 4,000 were wounded. This bloody and terrible episode during the week of January 7 to 14, 1919 will be called "Tragic Week". The echoes of these struggles reached as far as Patagonia: the rural workers of the estancias, the poor peasants left behind, went on strike in 1920 and 1921, more or less mixed with anarchist groups.

During the winter of 1920, the whole territory of Santa Cruz went on strike in the first weeks of 1921. The government then sent Colonel Varela to Río Gallegos to negotiate the demands. Agreements were finally reached between the Regional Workers' Federation of Santa Cruz and the estancieros (heads of the estancias). However, the estancias did not keep their word, and the movement grew in strength as the workers hardened their demands, seeing that the large landowners did not take them into account. Following a general strike, deportations of workers and a drastic fall in the price of wool, the situation degenerated, with estancieros shooting the first peon that came along, and workers taking landlords hostage to protect themselves. Colonel Varela, who was sent back to the area, considered that the workers' movement was an armed insurrection and that the Military Code should be applied: all those who did not lay down their arms would be put to death, without remission. A very large number of workers surrendered immediately; more than half of them, however, who had not sought to fight or defend themselves (and had freed the hostages, as agreed in the order sent by Varela) were shot, and hundreds of others were imprisoned without any form of trial. The repression was appalling. It is estimated that about a thousand strikers were murdered during this second "Patagonian walk" through Varela.

Nicknamed the King of Patagonia, he was one of the 350,000 Asturians who emigrated to Chile in the 19th century. The descendants of this man appealed to the army to quell the workers' rebellion in 1920 in Santa Cruz. Eager to succeed, he managed to circumvent the laws by appropriating millions of hectares of property. He achieved his goals through corruption and strategic marriages. Finally, a handful of families, bound by common interests, were in possession of almost all of Chilean Patagonia. Accompanied by his foreman Alexander McLennan, a Scotsman, he organized "manhunts" in Tierra del Fuego and did not hesitate to take photographs of himself with indigenous corpses. The author of a veritable human genocide, he is today one of the most controversial figures in the country.

Military coup in Chile led by General Augusto Pinochet. In Santiago, the Moneda Palace is bombed and the socialist president Salvador Allende becomes a national martyr by committing suicide. The dictator's seizure of power will last seventeen years.

Coup d'état in Argentina: a military junta led by General Jorge Videla comes to power.

The most recent conflict between Chile and Argentina refers to the sovereignty over the Lennox, Picton and Nueva islets, located at the Atlantic outlet of the Beagle Channel, attributed to Chile in May 1977 following a decision of a tribunal made up of members of the International Court of Justice in The Hague. But it took the mediation of the Holy See to avoid an armed conflict and to get Argentina to accept this decision.

The country engages in a war of two months and two days against Great Britain for the occupation of the Falklands. The United Kingdom asserts its sovereignty over the territory in the face of the Argentine dictatorship of the time. The following year, in 1983, the country was freed from military rule and held its first democratic elections.

A Perpetual Treaty of Peace and Friendship is signed with Argentina at the Vatican, under the aegis of John Paul II, recognizing the definitive southern borders between the two countries.

In October 1988, triumph of the "No! Ya basta" at the time of Pinochet's plebiscite which tried to extend his power until 1997. On 30 July of the following year, the constitutional reform was approved by 87.5% of Chilean voters. On 14 December the following year, the first democratic elections in Chile finally took place after 19 years of military rule.

Augusto Pinochet dies at the Military Hospital of Santiago, following a myocardial infarction. The national mourning is not decreed, "for the good of Chile" in the words of President Bachelet. No tribute as a former head of state is paid to him (only the honours of former commander-in-chief of the armed forces).

The Archbishop of Buenos Aires Jorge Mario Bergoglio is elected Pope under the name of Francis.

In December 2013, Michelle Bachelet won the presidential elections, marking her return to the presidency after her first term from 2006 to 2010. The following year, in 2014, she introduced several reforms aimed at improving access to and quality of education, including making higher education free for students from low-income families.

An earthquake strikes southern Chile, causing extensive damage but few casualties. It occurred off the country's coast in the Los Lagos region on December 25, 2016. The epicenter was located around 200 km off the coast of Puerto Montt.

A social protest movement against the high cost of living and the privatization of public services ignites the city of Santiago in response to the increase in metro fares. President Piñera, a conservative billionaire in office since March 2018, declared a state of emergency and sent the military into the streets. After 5 days of extreme violence, he changes strategy and wants to calm things down by announcing a whole battery of social measures. Yet, across the country, the angry people are continuing the massive demonstrations that are being organized from the north to the south of Chile.

Candidate Alberto Fernandez won the presidential election in the first round on October 27 against incumbent President Mauricio Macri. His inauguration, on December 10, 2019, marked the return of a Peronist president eager to restore social justice and nationalism. Cristina Kirchner is back and is named vice president of the nation. The government is trying to renegotiate its debt (estimated at 90% of GDP) with the IMF. Argentina was on the verge of defaulting on its debt.

One year after the social events that shook Chile, a referendum was held to replace the Constitution inherited from the Pinochet dictatorship. Chileans voted overwhelmingly (78.28%) in favor of a new constitution, signalling a major political shift and far-reaching social reforms for the country.

After an initial rejection by senators in 2018, the text authorizing abortion up to the fourteenth week of pregnancy was approved in the Argentine Congress. Until now, abortion was only possible in cases of rape or mortal danger to the mother, according to a 1921 law. Argentina joins Uruguay, Cuba, Guyana, Mexico City and the Mexican state of Oaxaca as the only countries to allow abortion in Latin America.

In December 2021, Gabriel Boric, former student leader and figurehead of the 2011 movement, was elected president against the far-right candidate José Antonio Kast. At 35, he became the youngest president in the country's history. His election marked a shift to the left: he promised a progressive program focused on reforming the healthcare system, protecting the environment, reducing inequalities and promoting gender equality. His presidency is closely linked to the ongoing constitutional process. In the same year, Chileans appointed an Assembly of 155 elected citizens to draft the country's new Constitution. Mapuche linguist Elisa Loncón was elected president of the Constituent Assembly: a symbolic election that put indigenous cultures, women's rights and environmental protection back at the heart of the agenda.

Chile's former right-wing president died on Tuesday February 6 in a helicopter accident, aged 74. Three days of national mourning have been declared in memory of this successful businessman and former head of state (2010-2014 then 2018-2022) who left his mark on the history of Chilean politics.

While the draft of the new Constitution was intended to replace the text inherited from Augusto Pinochet's dictatorship, the project presented by the Constituent Assembly elected in 2021 was rejected in a referendum in September 2022. Chileans were asked to vote to Approve ("Apruebo") or Reject ("Rechazo"): with almost 62% of voters opposed to the new charter, this rejection marked a failure for a constitutional text deemed too ambitious. It included social, environmental and political reforms, including recognition of the rights of indigenous peoples, advances in gender equality, and guaranteed social rights, notably in health, education and pensions. While a large part of the left supported the text, a center-right and far-right coalition strongly opposed it: the recognition of indigenous peoples and the creation of a parallel justice system for them were perceived by some as a threat to national unity, while, as another example, the potential abolition of the Senate risked weakening the legislative counterweight. Many had hoped that the new constitution would turn the page on the decades of inequality rooted in the neoliberal system put in place under Pinochet. The referendum, seen as a setback for left-wing and progressive forces, was an attempt to respond to the massive protests of 2019: the failure of the text was thus seen as a break with expectations of social justice and institutional overhaul. President Gabriel Boric, acknowledging the defeat, immediately promised to continue efforts to draft a new constitution, but taking into account the concerns expressed in the referendum. Thus, in December 2023, a new process was launched: a third referendum was organized, this time under the supervision of a Constitutional Council, elected in May 2023. Unlike the previous Constituent Assembly, this Council was dominated by conservative political forces, notably José Antonio Kast's Partido Republicano. In fact, drafted under right-wing influence, the text is described as conservative and pro-market, with, for example, strict rules on immigration and abortion. This version was supported mainly by the conservative right-wing Republican Party and other center-right parties. Important social reforms, such as the protection of environmental rights, which featured in the previous draft, were largely stifled. Gabriel Boric's government and other center-left parties strongly opposed the new text, deeming it less progressive than the current Constitution (dating from Pinochet, by the way). Against this backdrop, Chileans rejected the proposed new constitution for the second time in just over a year. The "against" vote won 55.75% of votes cast, while the "for" vote obtained 44.25%, according to official results. Chile, in perpetual search of a compromise between modernization of social rights and institutional stabilization, still seems to be at an impasse after four years of debates, votes and unsuccessful attempts to draft a new Constitution capable of satisfying a society deeply divided between progressive and conservative aspirations.

Javier Milei, a controversial libertarian economist, won over Argentinians by proposing radical reforms, such as abandoning the peso in favor of the US dollar, privatizing public enterprises and drastically reducing the role of the state. His election marked a radical break with the traditional policies of Peronism and Kirchnerism: a proponent of anarcho-capitalism, the new Argentine president described an absolute political and economic ideology, stripping the state of its traditional functions and entrusting them to the free market.

Marked by galloping inflation, a falling currency and difficulties in managing its foreign debt, Argentina has been going through several episodes of economic crisis for over ten years. In 2014, Argentina entered into partial default for the second time in 13 years, after a long legal battle with foreign hedge funds (the notorious "vulture funds") that had refused previous debt restructurings. In 2018, the country once again turned to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for a massive $57 billion loan, unprecedented in the IMF's history. Despite this financial injection, inflation has continued to climb, reaching levels in excess of 100% (!), having a considerably dramatic impact on purchasing power and provoking popular protests. Citizens are struggling to cope with rising prices for essential consumer goods, with significant social consequences in terms of increased poverty and inequality. According to recent reports, around 40% of the population lives below the poverty line, and many Argentines are forced to rely on food aid to survive. Anger at the economic situation has led to massive demonstrations, illustrating the population's growing despair at the government's ineffectiveness in rectifying the situation. The current government, led by Javier Milei, has promised radical reforms in an attempt to pull the country out of this economic spiral, including a call to abandon the peso in favor of the US dollar and massive privatization of public enterprises.